151 lines
7.6 KiB
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151 lines
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To: Digital Bearer Settlement List <dbs@philodox.com>, fork@spamassassin.taint.org
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From: "R. A. Hettinga" <rah@shipwright.com>
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Subject: The Disappearing Alliance
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Date: Tue, 8 Oct 2002 18:18:20 -0400
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http://www.techcentralstation.com/1051/printer.jsp?CID=1051-100802B
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The Disappearing Alliance
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By Dale Franks 10/08/2002
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For over two generations, the countries of Western Europe have been our
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closest allies. We stood beside each other through the darkest days of the
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Cold War as partners in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. We
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celebrated with them over the fall of the Soviet Empire and the liberation
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of Eastern Europe from the yoke of communism.
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Tragically, a generation from now, we may be bitter adversaries.
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Europe has increasingly fallen under the spell of a political ideology that
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Hudson Institute scholar John Fonte has termed "progressive
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transnationalism". The key doctrines of this form of post-communist
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progressivism contain some fairly pernicious ideas. Among these are the
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deconstruction of nationalism, the promotion of post-nationalist ideas of
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citizenship (i.e. a "global" citizenry), a redefinition of democracy, and
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the pooling of national sovereignty into multinational groups such as the
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United Nations.
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The European Union, itself a multinational organization built through the
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pooling of sovereignty by European nations, is post-democratic. While there
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is a European Parliament, the EU's power resides mainly in the unelected
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European Commission (EC) and its unelected President, who face few limits
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to their power. Instead of a limited, consensual form of government, where
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elected representatives promulgate constitutional laws, the EU has an
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appointed, oligarchic executive, along with a large attendant bureaucracy,
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whose orders are not constitutionally limited in any real sense. Moreover,
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the EU has been unwilling to accept the democratically expressed wishes of
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the people themselves when those wishes conflict with the results desired
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by the EU's political elite. Both the EC and the European Court of Justice
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regularly overturn the national laws of democratically elected EU member
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governments. This is a step backward in Europe's political development.
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European criticism of America is on the rise, and the European list of
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complaints about America is a long and growing one. They dislike the fact
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that our republican system of government is not based on proportional
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representation. They hate the fact that our citizens own guns. They despise
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the fact that we execute murderers. They resent the fact that our economy
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is so large, and that Americans consume so much. They also resent?and fear
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- the fact that we have the ability to project American power anywhere
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in the world.
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On August 9, 2002, Adrian Hamilton wrote a column in the UK's Independent
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newspaper, in which he identified the US as a rogue state who should be
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restrained, perhaps by a European military invasion, followed by a decade
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or so of occupation. Fortunately, the article is satirical not because it
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exaggerates the way European progressives view the US, but rather because
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the impotence of European military power makes the idea of an invasion of
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the US literally fantastic.
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At least, for now.
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Despite the tongue-in-cheek nature of this editorial, however, the fact
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remains that America is increasingly viewed this way by the European
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intellectual and political elite.
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The Europeans actively desire a world where the United Nations keeps in
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check the activities of sovereign states. Because they have built such a
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system in Europe, they feel it's valid for the rest of the world. America,
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however, is the biggest obstacle to such a system. The Europeans cannot
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understand why America places a higher value on the ethos of national
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sovereignty and limited, consensual, and constitutional government, than it
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does on compliance with international "norms." They view all departures
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from such norms as aberrant. Because the UN member states all have an equal
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vote in prescribing international norms, they assume that, since the
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process is ostensibly legitimate, the results must be as well. The trouble
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with this idea, of course, is that it gives the views of non-democratic,
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authoritarian states the same weight as those of free, democratic
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societies. It sanctifies the process, with no regard to the actual results.
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Thus, they are unable to make any moral distinction between the US refusals
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to join in a given international effort because we wish to preserve the
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liberty of our citizens, and similar refusals from Iraq because its
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dictator wishes to maintain his firm grip on power. Our repeated references
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to the US Constitution, and our unwillingness to bypass its provisions to
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comply with international norms, are incomprehensible to them. They assume,
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therefore, that our refusal is based on arrogance, rather than on a
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commitment to
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constitutional rights.
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None of this bodes well for the future of Euro-American friendship, or
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cooperation. If the Europeans continue to reject traditional liberalism in
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favor of the new progressivism, their criticism of the US will rise, while
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their tolerance of our differences will fall. Obviously, in such a
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political atmosphere, the opportunities for conflict will inevitably
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increase.
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That thought is frightening enough. Even more frightening, however, is the
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thought that such a conflict might be averted by our own acceptance of the
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new ideology of transnational progressivism.
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--
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-----------------
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R. A. Hettinga <mailto: rah@ibuc.com>
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The Internet Bearer Underwriting Corporation <http://www.ibuc.com/>
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44 Farquhar Street, Boston, MA 02131 USA
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"... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
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[predicting the end of the world] has not been found agreeable to
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experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'
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